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Hong Kong’s Revival: Surpassing Singapore in the Asian Capital Management Race

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In 2023, Hong Kong SAR, China, solidified its position as Asia’s top hedge fund and wealth management hub, aiming to surpass Switzerland globally. Regulatory reforms and positive interactions between the government and industries drive its success. New policies allowing private equity funds to register under Limited Partnership Fund (LPFs) have boosted Hong Kong’s appeal, matching Singapore’s LPF registrations within three years. LPFs are expected to further influence investment strategies and financial ecosystems in Hong Kong in 2024.

Progressive Logic of Reform

As a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of China, Hong Kong maintains a close economic and trade relationship with the Mainland market. The surge in affluence within mainland China has fueled significant growth in cross-border wealth management activities in Hong Kong. Data from the Hong Kong Securities and Futures Commission (SFC) reveals a staggering 143% increase in assets under management for Hong Kong’s asset and wealth management sector over the past decade.

However, industry observers note a shift in dynamics. Previously, before 2018, Hong Kong was the unequivocal offshore destination of choice for mainland wealth management. Yet, recent geopolitical developments and other unfavorable factors have begun to erode Hong Kong SAR’s traditional role as a primary intermediary. In contrast, Singapore has experienced fewer adverse effects and maintains a robust competitive edge and reputation in various aspects.

While Hong Kong boasts strong offshore financial characteristics, a significant portion of its assets under management originates from outside Hong Kong, with many funds not registered locally. This is particularly evident in private funds, where historically, the majority were registered non-locally. Such practices not only impede operational efficiency and increase costs but also complicate compliance efforts.

These challenges are linked to shortcomings in Hong Kong’s company and related systems. The Limited Partnership Ordinance, enacted in 1912, governs business partnerships. However, over time, this outdated system has failed to adapt to the needs of modern investment funds.

Previously, most local funds in Hong Kong operated on a trust-based structure, such as Unit Trusts. Corporate funds from overseas markets launched in Hong Kong typically took the form of public or private offerings. This was due to local restrictions on reducing contributions and allocating funds, often necessitating the establishment of funds as unit trusts. Additionally, until April 1, 2019, there was no tax exemption regime safeguarding investment profits for private equity funds registered in Hong Kong, potentially subjecting them to profits tax.

An official from the Financial Services and the Treasury Bureau of Hong Kong pointed out that the existing legislation lacks flexibility for capital investment and profit distribution, fails to provide contractual flexibility, and lacks a straightforward dissolution mechanism.

In contrast, offshore jurisdictions like the Cayman Islands were favored for incorporating private equity funds due to easy registration, operational flexibility, and fewer restrictions. Exempted Limited Partnerships (ELP) and Segregated Portfolio Companies (SPC) were particularly popular choices for fund managers and investors.

The industry has long advocated for institutional-level reforms, including registration procedures. Amid various pressures, 2020 marked a significant turning point for Hong Kong, China, with the initiation of several institutional reforms.

The introduction of new fund structures allows external funds in Hong Kong to benefit from similar registration forms, thus enticing capital flow into the region.

A pivotal phase in the series of changes can be traced back to 2018. In July of that year, the Open-ended Fund Company (OFC) regime was introduced in Hong Kong, marking a significant shift in fund structure. Investment funds incorporated in Hong Kong gained the option to adopt a corporate fund structure alongside the traditional unit trust structure. They could be established as public or private funds, or as sub-funds, with the flexibility to invest in diverse sectors such as technology, environmental protection, healthcare, and artificial intelligence.

As market recognition grows, funds naturally follow suit. By the end of October 2023, a total of 194 OFCs and 372 sub-funds had been incorporated or relocated to Hong Kong in accordance with relevant policies.

The formal launch of the Limited Partnership Funds Ordinance (Cap. 637) in August 2020 brought significant attention to the LPF system. This operational and management model in the fund industry comprises a general partner and a limited partner, serving as infrastructure widely acknowledged for providing new facilities for the establishment and operation of private equity funds in Hong Kong, as well as offering tax relief.

The range of policy measures implemented by the HKSAR is widely regarded as very competitive due to their flexibility and applicability to various private equity structures. Drawing on past experience and major private equity legal frameworks, these measures have gained significant momentum since their inception.

According to the Hong Kong LPF Association (HKLPFA), the number of local limited partnership fund registrations as of July 2023 had already equaled that of Singapore (680), surpassing it officially in August 2023. By the end of November 2023, this figure had further risen to 740 registrations.

In contrast to Hong Kong SAR of China, Singapore initiated its regime reform much earlier, starting in May 2009. However, despite this early start, Singapore’s number of registrations has not yet reached 700 in 14 years. 

Future Challenges and Opportunities

The increasing number of LPFs registered in the HKSAR is catalyzing the development of the asset and wealth management industry in Hong Kong, acting as a new conduit for capital inflow.

From a longer-term perspective, this phenomenon is linked to the classification of the asset and wealth management industry in HKSAR, which encompasses four main areas: private investment, private banking, trust management, and fund consultancy. 

According to HKSFC, in 2022, Hong Kong’s assets under management totaled HK$30.5 trillion (US$3.9 trillion), with a net capital inflow of HK$88 billion (US$11 billion). Since the second half of 2022, the funds under management of funds domiciled in Hong Kong have experienced accelerated growth, with assets rebounding by 15% from the third quarter of 2022 to reach HK$1.3 trillion (US$171 billion) by the end of June 2023.

The expansion of scale presents opportunities as the large capital market system and diversified product structure gradually interact with the new models introduced by LPFs. A closer look at the investment categories of LPFs reveals a shift: the proportion of LPFs choosing to invest in a wide range of sectors has decreased from 58% in 2021 to 49% in 2023, while those focusing on investing in specific sectors have increased year by year.

At a micro level, the growing number of LPFs is enhancing the local treasury ecosystem, offering more opportunities for talent growth. Moreover, as acceptance grows, LPFs are emerging as alternative structures for fund managers. Since 2022, private equity fund managers have been leveraging Hong Kong’s LPF structure to invest in diverse industries globally, such as retirement and art collections. Additionally, the number of funds investing in North America and Europe is on the rise.

From the perspective of long-term investors and local financial service practitioners, the proximity to mainland China’s vast market and the continued enhancement of Hong Kong’s IPO listing system are conducive to financing and investment management in Hong Kong. This symbiotic relationship between LPFs and the IPO market holds promise for the region’s fund industry development. For example, mainland investors can leverage the synergistic effects of LPFs and IPO markets when undertaking relevant projects.

From a relevance perspective, a series of HKSAR government policy drives are seen as closely linked to the growth in LPF registrations. In February 2023, in a bid to attract more family offices to Hong Kong, the government allocated HK$100 million in funding to Invest Hong Kong over the next three years. Additionally, in May, the local tax relief ordinance for Family Investment Control Vehicles (FICVs) came into effect, followed by the official launch of the Family Office Service Network (FOSNET) in June. These initiatives, aimed at enhancing the family office ecosystem, are expected to drive LPF development, given their significance in family office asset allocation.

Furthermore, the long-awaited New Capital Investment Entrant Scheme Office (“New CIES Office”), expected to be implemented by the end of 2023, is anticipated to provide further momentum to LPFs.

Looking ahead to 2024, the development of Hong Kong’s offshore RMB business is anticipated to witness further breakthroughs, with LPFs expected to facilitate the flow of funds between Hong Kong and other cities in the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area, serving as a vital tool for financial interoperability in the region.

According to analysis from People’s Daily, compared to other pilot regions, Hong Kong investors participating in relevant pilots enjoy lower access requirements, a wider investment scope, more convenient cross-border investment processes, simplified consultation processes, and other characteristic advantages.

Ukraine fatigue: A Growing Phenomenon in the West

The Ukrainian crisis has entered its third year, with the conflict reaching a stalemate. Despite initial victories, the Ukrainian side’s performance faltered in the second year, failing to meet President Zelensky’s expectations for a turnaround. 

Fatigue among U.S. and European leaders in addressing the Ukrainian crisis, which emerged in 2023, continues to spread. Additionally, since October 2023, a new round of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict has had a cascading effect in the West, contributing to a decline in public opinion regarding the Ukrainian crisis.

America’s Weariness of Ukraine’s Struggles

During Zelensky’s second visit to the U.S. in September 2023, he encountered a notably different atmosphere in Congress compared to his previous visit at the end of 2022. With the House of Representatives now under Republican control, support for Ukraine waned. His third visit in December further underscored the chilly political climate in Washington. 

Amid Republican demands linking border security, immigration policy, and aid programs to Ukraine, the Biden administration’s $60 billion aid proposal to Ukraine on February 13 stalled in Congress, ultimately blocked by Republican extremists in the House of Representatives.

By July 2023, a CNN-commissioned poll revealed deep divisions among Americans regarding aid to Ukraine. While 55% of respondents felt Congress shouldn’t authorize additional funding, 51% believed current aid efforts were adequate, and 48% thought more should be done. 

Partisan divides were stark: 71% of Republicans opposed new funding, contrasting with 62% of Democrats who favored increased support. By November 2023, a poll by AP-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research found growing sentiment (45%) that the U.S. was overspending on aid to Ukraine, up from 52% in October.

Meanwhile, the U.S. presidential election saw former President Donald Trump securing the Republican nomination early, pledging not to protect NATO members underspending on defense and emboldening Russia. Trump’s rhetoric of potentially ending the war within 24 hours of his presidency alarmed European nations reliant on U.S. security guarantees. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s meeting with Trump further solidified the message: “no more aid for Ukraine” under a potential Trump administration.

Europe’s Anxiety Amidst Growing Exhaustion

Since the eruption of the Ukrainian crisis in February 2022, the EU initially showed strong support for Ukraine, imposing multiple rounds of sanctions on Russia and granting Ukraine EU candidate status promptly. However, at the December 2023 EU summit, Hungary’s opposition led to the postponement of the EU’s plan to provide €50 billion in financial aid to Ukraine. Hungary’s concerns were assuaged only in February 2024, with the proposal of a control mechanism for aid funds. In Slovakia, the Fico government halted military aid to Ukraine, citing concerns about Ukraine’s sovereignty and its alignment with the United States.

European solidarity with Ukraine has dwindled over time. Central and Eastern European countries, dissatisfied with the impact of cheap Ukrainian imports on domestic agriculture, threatened to reduce aid to Ukraine and implemented temporary bans on Ukrainian food imports. Protests erupted against the EU’s decision to grant Ukrainian trucks unrestricted access, leading to border blockades and demonstrations by Polish and Slovakian truckers.

The influx of Ukrainian refugees into Europe, totaling 5.9 million according to UNHCR data, has strained resources and exacerbated economic challenges. As Europe grapples with high inflation and weak economic growth, solidarity with Ukrainian refugees wanes. Several EU member states are contemplating reducing financial support for Ukrainian refugees in 2024.

Public support for Ukraine in Europe has also diminished. While earlier polls showed overwhelming support for humanitarian, financial, and military aid to Ukraine, recent surveys indicate a decline in support. German citizens, for instance, increasingly view financial support to Ukraine as excessive, and skepticism grows regarding Europe’s ability to compensate for reduced U.S. aid. Polish sentiment has shifted as well, with a significant portion opposing additional aid to Ukraine.

Furthermore, European popular support for providing arms to Ukraine has declined, with Italians particularly opposed to EU arms supply to Ukraine. These trends underscore a shifting landscape in European attitudes toward the Ukrainian crisis.

The exchange of fire between Russia and Ukraine persists with no indication of easing. A breakthrough at the proposed “peace conference on Ukraine” slated for Switzerland in summer 2024 appears improbable, given the starkly differing stances of the two sides. As the crisis lingers, Europeans grow increasingly anxious about the repercussions of their support for Ukraine on their own well-being. A January 2024 poll conducted by the European Council on Foreign Relations across 12 European countries revealed widespread pessimism regarding the war’s outcome, with only 10% of respondents believing in Ukraine’s victory. 

Yet, mainstream European discourse maintains that “Ukraine must win” and “Europe must spare no effort to support Ukraine until the end.” European nations have redoubled their support for Ukraine, stepping up as primary providers of foreign aid amid U.S. congressional obstacles to Ukraine’s budget. Several countries, including Germany, France, Britain, Italy, Canada, Denmark, and the Netherlands, have inked ten-year security agreements with Ukraine. French President Emmanuel Macron has hinted at the possibility of deploying troops to aid Ukraine, a sentiment echoed to some extent by Poland’s leadership. Europe has embraced the Czech initiative to procure 800,000 rounds of artillery for Ukraine, and on March 13, the EU committed an additional 5 billion euros to the European Peace Fund for weapons procurement on Ukraine’s behalf, both within Europe and beyond.

Despite the resolve exhibited by top government officials, there is a growing contrast with the weariness felt by the population, which could ultimately dampen political resolve at the highest levels. The Ukrainian crisis is poised to be a pivotal issue in the upcoming European Parliament elections in June 2024 and the U.S. elections in November. The impact of war-weary voters on both elections remains to be seen.

Exploring the Absence of Navigation on the Ganges River in India

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The Ganges is a major river in South Asia, flowing through northern India and Bangladesh. With a total length of 2,525 kilometers and a basin area of 910,000 square kilometers, covering one-third of India’s land area. The Ganges ranks among the world’s top 20 rivers in terms of water flow, and the Ganges basin is the most densely populated river basin globally, housing over 400 million people and boasting a population density exceeding 390 people per square kilometer. 

Despite its significance, large ships are rarely seen on the Ganges, India’s largest river. In contrast, China’s largest river, the Yangtze River, features over 71,000 kilometers of navigable waterways, annually serving 184 million passengers and transporting 4.714 billion tons of cargo.

Nestled in the densely populated and urbanized plains of northeastern India, the question arises: why is navigation virtually nonexistent on the Ganges River, despite its ample width and resources?

Situated at the rear of the Asian continent, the entire Indian Peninsula extends southward into the Indian Ocean, rendering India profoundly influenced by the interplay of land and sea and shaping its tropical monsoon climate.

During summer, the barometric pressure belt shifts, driving the wind belt northward and pushing the equatorial low pressure to the northern hemisphere. The southeast trade winds then sweep northward toward the Indian Peninsula, where they morph into southwesterly winds, laden with moisture from the Indian Ocean. These winds blanket the entire peninsula, triggering substantial precipitation, particularly along the south slopes of the Himalayas where precipitation is amplified due to blocking effects. 

Conversely, winter witnesses the reversal of these atmospheric dynamics. The pressure belts and wind patterns shift southward, with the equatorial low pressure belt migrating to the southern hemisphere. The Asian continent experiences the dominance of cold high pressure systems, causing winds to blow from Mongolia and Siberia towards India, deflecting into northeast winds. These winds, originating from the northern inland regions, carry significantly less moisture, resulting in markedly reduced winter precipitation compared to summer.

Influenced by the tropical monsoon climate, the Ganges River Basin experiences two distinct precipitation seasons: the rainy season, concentrated from July to October, marks the flood season of the Ganges River, with its water volume comprising 82% of the annual total. In contrast, the remaining eight months constitute the dry season, during which the Ganges River’s water volume dwindles to a mere 18% of the total annual volume. The stability of river water is crucial for the development of navigation within a river system. The Rhine River serves as a prime example of a “golden waterway” enabled by consistent precipitation throughout the year within a temperate maritime climate.

However, the Ganges River presents a different scenario, characterized by drying up in times of drought and flooding in times of excessive rainfall. This erratic behavior results in high navigational value during periods of ample water flow, while the value diminishes significantly during low-water periods, which can persist for up to eight months.

Is there a viable man-made solution to this dilemma? Indeed, constructing reservoirs offers a potential remedy for regulating river water volume. The Yangtze River, situated in a similar monsoon climate zone, provides a compelling example. China has erected 284 large reservoirs and 1529 medium-sized reservoirs along the Yangtze River’s tributaries. These reservoirs serve not only for power generation but also for flood mitigation and water release during dry periods. By strategically controlling water levels—closing gates during flood seasons and opening them during dry periods—the Yangtze River effectively counters the challenges posed by the monsoon climate, ensuring consistent water levels year-round and facilitating uninterrupted ship passage.

However, a direct application of this solution to the Ganges River basin proves unfeasible when considering the differing climate and topography of India.

The Ganges River faces additional challenges due to high sedimentation and its relatively flat terrain. Flowing from northwest to southeast, the Ganges Plain provides a flat and open backdrop to the river.

Considering the period of continental drift, the collision between the Indian Ocean plate and the Eurasian continental plate resulted in the formation of the towering Himalayas. Simultaneously, structural subsidence in the southern foothills of the Himalayas created numerous troughs gradually filled by the alluvial action of the Indus and Ganges Rivers, ultimately forming the present-day Indus-Ganges Plain. Geologically categorized as a pre abyssal or foreland basin, the Indus-Ganges Plain is flatter than the average plain.

Unlike the Yangtze River, where reservoirs are mostly constructed in upstream areas with steep terrain to regulate water levels downstream, the situation along the Ganges River poses unique challenges. The mainstream traverses the Great Plains, characterized by minimal elevation changes and densely populated areas. 

The construction of reservoirs in such regions would inundate vast areas, posing significant resettlement costs beyond governmental capacities. The northern tributaries, flowing through the southern slopes of the Himalayas, feature steep slopes and narrow canyons, rendering large reservoir construction impractical. Similarly, the southern tributaries, mainly traversing the Deccan plateau, despite gentler slopes compared to the southern Himalayan slopes, receive average precipitation levels, diminishing the effectiveness of reservoir construction in regulating the main stream’s water levels. Moreover, these areas are densely populated, further complicating large-scale reservoir projects.

Consequently, only Nepal has attempted to construct small reservoirs along the Ganges River tributaries. However, their combined capacity of 28 billion cubic meters pales in comparison to the Ganges River’s annual runoff, exceeding 550 billion cubic meters. Additionally, the immense sediment load poses a significant hindrance to reservoir construction. The Ganges River annually loses 1.451 billion tons of sand, surpassing that of the Yangtze River threefold and even exceeding the renowned sediment-rich Yellow River by sevenfold. The likelihood of sedimentation rapidly filling any constructed reservoir is thus considerable.

Furthermore, the Ganges River’s excessively flat topography results in a significantly slower average flow rate of 12,000 cubic meters per second in the middle and lower reaches, far lower than the Yangtze River’s average of 28,800 cubic meters per second. The river’s wide and shallow channels further exacerbate navigation challenges, as deeper-draft vessels are prone to grounding.

Moreover, the absence of an estuary and the Ganges River’s location far from international shipping lanes in the Bay of Bengal discourage maritime traffic. In contrast, China’s Yangshan Port and Zhoushan Port lie along major international shipping routes, facilitating convenient access for ships from various countries.

Lastly, the widespread adoption of rail transportation, dating back to the British colonial era, has supplanted river transport along the Ganges. The extensive railway network spanning over 50,000 kilometers efficiently connects various regions, rendering river transport obsolete. Additionally, historical bridge construction over the Ganges, characterized by low bridge heights relative to the river level, further deters large-scale shipping development. Even today, makeshift pontoon bridges are erected near permanent bridges to alleviate traffic congestion, further underscoring the limited navigational capacity of the Ganges.

Despite these challenges, the Indian government has taken proactive steps to enhance the Ganges’ shipping capacity. Initiatives such as the Jal Marg Vikas Project, launched in 2014 with support from the World Bank, aim to upgrade the Ganges as National Waterway No. 1. This ambitious plan involves constructing inland multimodal terminals to accommodate vessels weighing 1,500-2,000 tons. The successful inauguration of India’s first inland navigation terminal, Varanasi Port, in December 2018 marks a significant milestone, reintroducing inland container transportation after 70 years of independence.

Henry Chang-Yu Lee: I’m not omniscient, just an ordinary scientist

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Henry Chang-Yu Lee, an internationally renowned criminal forensics expert, was born in Jiangsu Province, China, and is of Chinese American descent. In July 1998, he became the  chief emeritus for the Connecticut State Police, marking the first time a Chinese American had held such a position at the state level in the United States. 

Lee has conducted forensic examinations in several high-profile cases, including the Assassination of John F. Kennedy, the Watergate scandal of Richard Nixon, and the Impeachment of Bill Clinton.

At 86 years old, Henry Chang-Yu Lee remains active and vigorous, speaking with clarity and displaying a keen sense of humor. Recently, he has been extensively involved in activities across China: from attending the opening ceremony of the second phase of the Henry Chang-Yu Lee Criminal Investigation Science Museum in Jiangsu Province, to lecturing at Xinhua College in Guangzhou, Guangdong Province, and participating in the charity gala in Shanghai.

With over 60 years of experience in law enforcement, Lee continues to contribute to the exchange and advancement of forensic science between Eastern and Western countries. During his lectures, he captivates young students by sharing intriguing case studies.

Despite his global renown as a criminal forensics expert, Lee humbly stated in a recent interview with China News Agency that he considers himself simply an ordinary scientist. He also encouraged young people to pursue forensic science education.

How has your Chinese background shaped and influenced your career trajectory?

This is a significant and challenging question to address. In the West, due to widespread misinformation perpetuated by the media and society, many Westerners hold the belief that the only contributions Chinese people made to the United States were in building railroads, operating laundries, and restaurants in the 18th century. 

Particularly in recent years, Chinese individuals have faced suppressions influenced by social media. However, contrary to these misconceptions, there are numerous outstanding Chinese individuals in the U.S. across various fields who have made substantial contributions not only to the U.S. but also to the world.

Historically, forensic science practitioners in the U.S. were predominantly white men. When I initially applied for membership in the American Academy of Forensic Sciences (AAFS), I faced rejection on the basis of being a person of color, although this information was not accurately assessed. While many Chinese individuals might have tolerated such situations, I took a proactive stance by writing a letter to the AAFS seeking clarification.

The response from the AAFS cited the reason for my rejection as having completed a portion of my educational experience outside the United States. At that juncture, I suggested revising their bylaws to only permit participation from white individuals. Eventually, they granted me provisional membership and awarded me their highest honor after three years.

In 2022, I was invited to speak at the AAFS Annual Conference. During my speech, I emphasized the Academy’s progress over the decades in promoting equality for all members. My hope for the future is one of global peace and integration, envisioning a world where boundaries dissolve, emphasizing our shared humanity, and advocating for equal treatment for everyone.

Which of the over 8,000 cases you’ve handled throughout your career stands out as particularly memorable or impactful to you?

First and foremost, it’s important to dispel any misconceptions: no case can be solved by a single individual alone; it truly takes a team effort. Solving a case involves numerous factors beyond just forensic science; it requires collaboration with criminal police, engagement from the community, and often utilizes large databases and artificial intelligence technology. 

It’s crucial to acknowledge that the media’s portrayal can sometimes exaggerate the role of individuals. I don’t consider myself a sleuth akin to Sherlock Holmes or Bao Zheng, a Chinese politician who defended peasants and commoners against corruption or injustice in China’s Song Dynasty; I’m simply an ordinary scientist working alongside others.

When discussing notable cases like the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, the murder trial of American football star Simpson, or the Clinton impeachment case, it’s important to recognize that while these cases garnered immense attention due to their high-profile nature, there are countless other cases that are equally significant. One case that has particularly resonated with me is that of the murder of an elderly woman who lived alone. Despite lacking the spotlight, it was a classic case that deeply affected me.

The murder occurred on Thanksgiving, when a concerned neighbor delivered food to the elderly woman, only to discover her lifeless body. She had been brutally stabbed 17 times, and although there should have been ample blood at the scene, the initial responding officers overlooked it. 

Through scientific methods, we were able to detect blood on the floor and identify shoe prints. Despite the absence of advanced technology like big data at the time, over 200 officers diligently combed through trash cans near the crime scene that night, eventually leading to a breakthrough. Near the trash cans, we found a suspect who had used a card to purchase the shoes found at the scene — the victim’s nephew, driven to murder due to drug addiction and financial desperation.

There are no rewards or celebrations for solving crimes. However, on that day, we found closure for the victim, prioritized justice, and demonstrated the importance of putting people’s lives first while remaining grounded in reality.

What lessons can Eastern and Western cultures exchange with each other in the realm of forensic science?

Differences between Eastern and Western societies stem from variations in culture and systems, yet the fundamental principles of civilization remain universal. For instance, Chinese learning traditionally emphasizes memorization and recitation, while Western education emphasizes critical thinking. Many Chinese students face challenges when adapting to American culture due to these differences, but fostering open communication can help bridge the gap.

Chinese traditional culture, characterized by the concept of “sincerity,” has deeply influenced my life, emphasizing genuine interactions and actions towards others. Conversely, Western culture, with its emphasis on innovation and breaking rules, has also inspired me significantly.

These cultural disparities often prove beneficial in solving cases. For instance, in a case involving fried chicken found at the crime scene, the manner in which different parts of the chicken were consumed helped determine the perpetrator. I even made a light-hearted remark about Chinese preferences for chicken legs, noting that the untouched fried chicken legs implicated a non-Chinese individual in the crime.

The eclectic nature of Chinese culture influences my approach to interacting with others during investigations. When collaborating with Western counterparts at crime scenes, I employ a peaceful and tactful manner to guide them in recognizing areas for improvement in their forensic skills, fostering a cooperative and productive environment.

Are you familiar with traditional Chinese methods of criminal investigation, and do you believe they remain pertinent in modern forensic practices?

Indeed, the utilization of scientific methods in crime-solving dates back centuries, even to figures like Bao Zheng and Song Ci, a renowned forensic scientist of the Southern Song Dynasty. 

Song Ci’s seminal work, “Collected Cases of Injustice Rectified,” is considered the world’s earliest forensic science book. Despite previous beliefs abroad that forensic science originated in England or Austria, Song Ci’s contributions underscore China’s historical prominence in this field.

In contemporary times, China has made significant advancements in criminal investigation, evidenced by the establishment of identification centers within public security systems. Through my experiences teaching and consulting in China over the past few years, I’ve observed firsthand the remarkable progress in forensic science. 

China’s forensic science practices now align closely with international standards, with certain aspects even surpassing global benchmarks. This progress highlights China’s commitment to excellence in forensic science and its contribution to the broader international community.

China’s medical teams in Africa: navigating the neoliberal health quagmire

From 1963 to 2023, China dispatched 24,000 members of its foreign aid medical teams to Africa, with 45 medical teams currently operating across 100 work sites in 44 African countries. These teams have established counterpart cooperation with African hospitals, supported the establishment of specialty centers, trained local medical personnel, and improved the health and well-being of people in recipient countries. 

Through various activities such as clinical teaching, surgical demonstrations, academic exchanges, health lectures, epidemic prevention education, remote guidance, and medical tours, they have also contributed to upgrading the medical technology level in these countries. 

However, in several East African countries, present-day regulations often require doctors to obtain professional qualifications issued by national medical associations in order to practice medicine. This requirement poses challenges for many members of the current medical teams, particularly due to language barriers and difficulties in obtaining qualification certificates. 

Consequently, some members hold only volunteer certificates and are limited to auxiliary roles. This contrasts with the experiences of earlier medical teams, particularly during the Nyerere period in Tanzania, where the absence of strict licensing requirements allowed them to engage more freely in medical practice. This difference in treatment is not attributed to variations in skill level between former and current team members or changes in government attitudes towards China, but rather to the evolving medical ecology in Africa.

The development of African healthcare ecology has undergone four main stages since the entry of Western colonizers. 

The first stage was characterized by missionary medicine, viewing healthcare as a means of religious salvation and colonization. The second stage, colonial or imperial medicine, operated in conquered territories to serve colonial interests. Post-colonial medicine, the third stage, saw the continuation of colonial influences alongside efforts towards national health system development. The current stage, democratic political medicine, reflects a balance between pragmatism, human rights, and neoliberalism. 

However, the predominance of neoliberal values in healthcare systems has created challenges for non Western medical teams, as African countries have adopted Western medical standards requiring extensive training and licensing for medical practice. 

The Prevalence of Neoliberalism and the Embarrassing Situation of Medical Teams in Africa

The licensing of physicians mentioned previously is just one aspect of the neoliberal medical ecology. Neoliberalism advocates for the medical field to operate under market logic, believing that monopolies without market competition lead to inefficiency. Consequently, healthcare in Africa has witnessed significant privatization in recent decades. 

Due to limited pharmaceutical production capacity and market competition, modern medicine in Africa heavily relies on expensive imports. Some African countries permit doctors in public hospitals to practice multiple professions, allowing them to open pharmacies, clinics, and even hospitals to address the scarcity of national health resources. 

However, under neoliberal influences, some medical practitioners exploit this by diverting hospital drugs to their own pharmacies for substantial profits through false prescriptions. Moreover, egoism among doctors within public hospitals, coupled with the pursuit of welfare benefits not aligned with social development, has resulted in frequent medical strikes and a mass exodus of medical and public health personnel to higher-paying sectors.

Neoliberalism also emphasizes the pursuit of advanced technology and talent. Despite Africa’s overall medical standard lagging behind, its professional standards for physicians and pharmaceutical quality are comparable to those of the World Health Organization, Europe, and the United States. 

However, the insistence on adhering to Western standards has hindered the provision of basic medical care to the African population. With the absence of local pharmaceutical companies and lower drug standards compared to the West, Africa relies on expensive imported medicines, leading to significant resource waste and hindrance to meeting basic medical needs.

As African countries’ economy develops, their medical and healthcare systems progress as well. Consequently, the expectations placed on foreign aid medical teams in Africa have evolved. Some African countries now request high-precision equipment, technology, and specialized center construction, rather than solely relying on experts. 

For instance, the Ebola epidemic prompted demands for disease control laboratories. While China previously provided personnel assistance, it now offers sophisticated technology, such as mobile P3 laboratories, within a short timeframe. However, establishing these laboratories requires careful consideration of personnel training, biosafety, and regulatory frameworks, posing challenges for African Union countries.

Neoliberal values also emphasize the population’s right to choose healthcare, leading to the proliferation of private medical institutions and medical tourism in Africa. While private hospitals offer top-notch services, they often cater to the wealthy elite and are predominantly controlled by foreign capital. As a result, health inequality persists, with the general population relying on underfunded public hospitals. The preference for overseas medical treatment among African elites further exacerbates the neglect of domestic healthcare infrastructure.

This neoliberal-led healthcare system presents a dilemma for China’s medical teams in Africa. While they aim to assist African healthcare systems, they are confronted with the realities of neoliberal dominance, where profit-driven practices and healthcare inequality prevail. This disconnect between perception and reality has prompted a crisis of values among China’s medical aid workers, as they navigate the complex landscape of African healthcare.

The Awakening of Medical Autonomy in Africa and Opportunities for Medical Teams in Africa

Healthcare autonomy has always been a crucial aspect of Africa’s pursuit of independent development. In the early years of independence, amid the Cold War, most African countries explored paths suitable for their own medical and health development, despite economic constraints. For instance, Tanzania implemented a free medical policy and primary health care measures during the socialist villagization movement of Ujamaa, while Kenya introduced external capital to push forward healthcare privatization reforms.

Additionally, many African countries, including South Africa, Ethiopia, Tanzania, and Uganda, revitalized traditional medicine as part of their healthcare strategies. With the recent economic development of Africa, characterized by rich natural resources, abundant labor force, and a large market potential, the continent has made significant strides in healthcare. 

This progress includes building hospitals, establishing pharmaceutical companies, training local medical personnel, preventing and controlling infectious diseases, improving child nutrition, maternal and child health, and developing a certain degree of medical and healthcare resources and service capacity. 

Consequently, Africa’s sense of autonomy in healthcare has strengthened, particularly in the search for development strategies, disease control, multilateral cooperation, and the promotion of traditional medicine. However, the lack of clear health development strategies and realistic goals can hinder self-development and pose challenges to aid efforts in Africa. 

European and American aid, in particular, often focuses on medicines, vaccines, disease treatment, and epidemiological control, neglecting health system development. This has perpetuated Africa’s dependency on external medical resources and hindered the establishment of a self-sufficient health system. 

Nonetheless, Africa’s increasing sense of autonomy in healthcare presents opportunities for Chinese medical teams. These teams aim to assist in the formulation of practical health development strategies and disease prevention measures that benefit the general population. 

Through initiatives like disease control centers and public health interventions, China’s involvement in Africa’s healthcare has been pivotal. Notably, China’s assistance during the Ebola epidemic and its contribution to establishing the Africa CDC exemplify the potential for multilateral cooperation in public health governance. 

Moreover, Africa’s autonomy in healthcare extends to traditional medicine, deeply rooted in African culture and consciousness. Traditional medicine, emphasizing comprehensive treatment and accessibility, has played a significant role in dealing with various diseases and has become a crucial option for African people seeking independent medical treatment. 

China’s recognition of traditional medicine has led to cooperation with African countries in this field, with agreements signed to collaborate on laws and regulations, healthcare, education, training, research and development, and industrial cooperation. As China’s medical aid to Africa evolves, there is potential for transformation from bilateral to multilateral cooperation, involving international organizations, local NGOs, and medical organizations from other donor countries. This reflects Africa’s increasing autonomy and the diversified approach to healthcare cooperation on the continent.

Facing the U.S. election, is Europe ready?

Anxiety is arguably one of the most prevalent mindsets in Europe today, reflected in the theme of the Munich Security Conference 2024. This anxiety is fueled not only by geopolitical and economic uncertainty but also by the looming specter of the 2024 US elections, particularly the possibility of Trump returning to the White House. 

While Biden’s election initially brought relief to Europe, Trump’s significant vote share in the last election has continued to cast a shadow over the continent. With Trump leading in the polls as the US election approaches, discussions surrounding his potential return are intensifying in Europe. Preparing for this possibility has emerged as a pressing and urgent issue for the continent to address.

Europe is bracing for a whirlwind of political shifts in 2024, marked by both the European Parliament elections and those within numerous EU member states. Yet, the impending US election in November holds equal significance for Europe, impacting the trajectories of Ukraine, NATO, and the EU itself. 

If Trump’s 2016 election was a rare event, his potential return in 2024 could be destined. While Europe has experience dealing with Trump, a re-elected Trump could adopt a more assertive governing stance, injecting uncertainty into pivotal issues shaping Europe’s future.

One critical concern revolves around the Ukrainian crisis, which has remained a key geopolitical focus for Europe. Dependent on US leadership, Europe anxiously awaits potential shifts in US policy toward Ukraine post-election. Trump’s past remarks and policy proposals, including cutting off aid to Ukraine, stand in contrast to Europe’s current approach, leaving Europe in a quandary: compromising its stance or independently aiding Ukraine.

Furthermore, Trump’s isolationist tendencies pose a threat to the future of NATO and transatlantic relations. While Biden’s administration revitalized the transatlantic alliance, Trump’s potential return could reignite disputes over NATO defense spending and collective defense obligations. Despite precautions taken by the US Congress, Europe remains wary of potential upheavals in NATO dynamics under a re-elected Trump.

Moreover, Europe grapples with concerns regarding the EU’s internal stability amidst Trump’s possible re-election. Trump’s alignment with right-wing populism in Europe could exacerbate existing challenges, such as migration and climate issues, and deepen divisions within the EU. With some member states favoring closer ties with the US while others seek to bolster Europe’s strategic autonomy, Trump’s return threatens to polarize transatlantic relations and widen fault lines within the EU.

In essence, Europe faces a complex web of uncertainties, from navigating the Ukrainian crisis to safeguarding the integrity of transatlantic alliances and mitigating the divisive impact of right-wing populism. The outcome of the 2024 US election holds profound implications for Europe’s geopolitical landscape and its internal cohesion.

As the dust settles from the US election, Europe must brace itself for the potential return of Trump. Preparations are underway across three critical fronts: supporting Ukraine, enhancing defense capacity, and navigating potential trade conflicts.

Firstly, Europe is ramping up economic and military aid to Ukraine. At the multilateral level, EU leaders have approved a substantial 50 billion euro aid package over four years, signaling Europe’s commitment to taking a leadership role in supporting Ukraine. Additionally, the EU is bolstering military assistance through initiatives like the European Peace Fund, with a total of 6.1 billion euros provided since 2022. Bilaterally, EU member states are forging security agreements with Ukraine, offering both security assurances and tangible military support.

Secondly, fortifying defense capacity is paramount for Europe’s self-defense and to support Ukraine. At both multilateral and bilateral levels, efforts are underway to strengthen Europe’s defense industry and increase defense budgets. The EU’s launch of the European Defense Industrial Strategy signifies a milestone toward defense autonomy. NATO’s European members are also boosting defense spending, with 18 countries set to meet the 2% threshold of defense budgets in 2024, a historic achievement.

Lastly, Europe must prepare for potential protectionist measures under a re-elected Trump. Anticipating tariffs on EU products, the EU aims to engage with the Biden administration while reinforcing its own economic competitiveness through single market reforms. However, the EU’s Economic Security Strategy may require adjustments to address threats posed by Trump’s trade policies, which may ironically endanger EU’s economic security.

In summary, Europe is actively strategizing and mobilizing resources to navigate the uncertainties of a potential Trump return, focusing on supporting Ukraine, strengthening defense capabilities, and managing trade conflicts to safeguard its interests and stability.

Trump’s first term prompted a growing inclination towards European strategic autonomy. With the likelihood of his return on the rise, Europe is once again realizing the importance of bolstering its own capabilities and shaping its destiny independently of the uncertainties of US elections. Regardless of the final outcome, the mere possibility of Trump’s return is already influencing Europe’s policy decisions. Given the unpredictable nature of Trump’s stance towards the transatlantic alliance and the deteriorating security landscape in Europe, strategic autonomy is evolving from an option to a necessity.

Although some European nations tread cautiously to avoid upsetting the US, the concept of strategic autonomy is gaining traction and becoming increasingly ingrained in European policy frameworks. This shift raises the question of whether a new strategic culture will emerge in Europe, diverging from the post-World War II emphasis on multilateralism and normative power.

French President Macron’s recent statement at an international conference on Ukraine assistance, where he mentioned the possibility of sending troops to Ukraine, sparked controversy. Viewed within the context of European strategic autonomy, Macron’s statement wasn’t merely a slip of the tongue but rather a deliberate exploration of possibilities. This statement may signify the beginning of a broader shift in European strategic thinking and action.

Mongolia Goes Full De-Russian: Abolishes Russian Alphabet, Uses Traditional Mongolian Language

More than 10 million Mongolians reside primarily in China and Mongolia, with 3.5 million in Mongolia and over 6 million in China, the majority (70%) residing in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. Mongolian serves as the common mother tongue for both populations, differing only in alphabet usage.

While Mongolia employs the Cyrillic alphabet, influenced by Russia, Mongolians in China predominantly use the old Uyghur alphabet. This prompts questions about Mongolia’s adoption of the Cyrillic alphabet and its current interest in revitalizing the traditional migratory script.

Creation of the Hudum Mongol Bichig

The Latin, Arabic, and Cyrillic alphabets are among the earliest major writing systems globally. Latin is prevalent in Western Europe and the Americas, while Cyrillic is widely used by Slavic peoples and those influenced by Russia. The migratory alphabet predates Cyrillic, originating in Central Asia based on the Suet alphabet.

Central Asia saw the rise of the Sogdians around the 10th century BC, who later developed the Sogdian alphabet by the 1st century AD. With Central Asia thriving as a trade hub, the Sogdian alphabet gained prominence. During the 5th-6th centuries AD, Turkic peoples migrated westward and adopted the Sogdian alphabet. The Kutlug I Bilge Boyla Khagan, ancestor of the Uyghurs, established the migratory khanate in the 8th century AD, leading to the emergence of the migratory alphabet influenced by the Sogdian alphabet.

Meanwhile, the Cyrillic alphabet emerged later, linked to Greek civilization. With the Latin alphabet dominating Europe after the Roman Empire’s conquests, Greek culture spread into Slavic territories, notably through the missionary efforts of St. Cyril and Methodius in the 9th century AD. The disciples of St. Cyril and Methodius developed the Cyrillic alphabet to facilitate Christianity’s spread, adopted by Slavic countries.

While the Balkans and Eastern Europe embraced Cyrillic, northern China during the late Tang Dynasty saw the establishment of the Qocho and the adoption of the migratory alphabet by nomadic peoples, including the Mongols, influenced by migratory culture.

Cyrillic Alphabet: the Shadow of the Soviet Union

From 1644 to the 18th century, the Qing dynasty extended its rule over Outer Mongolia, integrating it into China. During this time, the traditional Mongolian language, Hudum Mongol bichig, was spoken in the region.

While the Qing expanded their control over Mongolia, they faced threats from Tsarist Russia, which had historical ties to the Golden Horde. Russia’s eastward expansion in the 16th century led to conflicts with China, culminating in the Battle of Yaksa from 1653 to 1689. Despite initial defeats, Russia persisted in its efforts to influence Mongolia, supporting separatist movements and advocating for autonomy along the Sino-Russian border.

By the 1840s, weakened by internal strife, the Qing Dynasty faced renewed Russian aggression. Through unequal treaties, Russia acquired vast territories in northern China, aiming to establish a buffer zone. Exploiting Mongolia’s disaffection with Qing rule, Russia encouraged autonomy and even independence for Outer Mongolia.

Following the October Revolution in 1917, Soviet power emerged in Russia. The Soviet Union briefly withdrew from Outer Mongolia in 1918, only to return and establish the Mongolian People’s Republic in 1924, effectively separating it from China. Although not part of the Soviet Union, Outer Mongolia became a satellite state, adopting Russian language and Cyrillic script.

Amidst debates over script usage, Outer Mongolia’s allegiance to the Soviet Union solidified. With Soviet support, Mongolia declared independence on January 1, 1946, adopting the Cyrillic alphabet to enhance literacy and administrative efficiency.

The Cyrillic alphabet’s horizontal orientation proved advantageous over the traditional vertical script, leading to significant literacy improvements. By the 1960s, Mongolia’s literacy rate soared from 2% to over 97%, contributing to its modern cultural development.

Soviet aid transformed Mongolia from an agrarian society into a mining-oriented economy. In 1961, Mongolia joined the United Nations with Soviet backing, embracing pro-Soviet policies and promoting Russian language and culture.

Overall, the widespread adoption of the Cyrillic alphabet in Mongolia reflected the influence of the Soviet Union and its dominant Russian culture on the country’s development.

Restoration of Traditional Mongolian Language

Mongolia’s close ties with the Soviet Union persisted until the USSR’s collapse in 1991, after which Mongolia transitioned to a parliamentary system and embraced a multi-party political landscape. With Russia’s declining influence, Mongolia shifted towards an independent foreign policy while maintaining a cautious distance from both Russia and China.

In a move towards cultural independence, Mongolia has phased out Russian language programs and channels, replacing them with cultural content from diverse sources, including Korea. Nationalistic sentiments surged post-1990s, with Mongolia embracing a “Mongolian Orthodoxy” centered around Genghis Khan.

However, the predominant use of Cyrillic Mongolian script contradicts Mongolia’s pursuit of “Mongolian orthodoxy.” To address this, Mongolia plans to gradually reintroduce the traditional Mongolian script, despite challenges posed by the entrenched use of Cyrillic and economic constraints.

The government has taken steps to promote the traditional script, initially within governmental sectors and then extending to civil society. Initiatives include issuing decrees mandating the use of the traditional script in diplomatic activities and official documents.

Although widespread adoption of the traditional script faces hurdles, such as technological compatibility and public familiarity, Mongolia aims to establish it as the official script by 2025. Efforts to promote the traditional language extend to enhancing its presence in information networks and databases.

The adoption of Cyrillic Mongolian script reflects the influence of Russian culture in Mongolia. However, the traditional Mongolian script holds deep roots in Mongolian heritage. Mongolia’s ongoing script reform signifies a reevaluation of its cultural identity and a strategic move towards independence. Achieving widespread use of the traditional language would not only align Mongolia linguistically with Inner Mongolia in China but also serve as a step towards “de-Russianization” in national policy.

Source: Noteshobby, AKlpress News Agence, Geopolitical Monitor

China-Konferenz in Harvard: Chinesischer Botschafter hofft auf gemeinsame Suche nach richtiger Koexistenz

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Der chinesische Botschafter in den USA, Xie Feng, hat die Hoffnung geäußert, dass Chinas und die USA gemeinsam nach einem richtigen Weg der Koexistenz suchen.

Xie erklärte in einer Rede auf der diesjährigen China-Konferenz der Harvard-Kennedy-School am Samstag, er hoffe, beide Seite gingen aufeinander zu und suchten gemäß den Prinzipien des gegenseitigen Respekts, der friedlichen Koexistenz und der Win-Win-Kooperation nach einem richtigen Weg der Koexistenz.

Die Welt habe sich drastisch geändert und sei voller Turbulenzen und Unruhen, so der chinesische Diplomat weiter, der dabei auch Chinas Option vorstellte: Für die Entwicklung Chinas müsse die Modernisierung chinesischer Art vorangetrieben und für die Welt eine Gemeinschaft der Menschheit mit geteilter Zukunft aufgebaut werden. 

Zur Entwicklung der Beziehungen zwischen China und den USA schlug der Botschafter eine Fünf-Punkte-Vision vor: Erstens sollten beide Länder eine korrekte Wahrnehmung schaffen. Dabei sei China bereit, mit den USA partnerschaftlich und freundschaftlich zusammenzuarbeiten. Es stelle sich nur die Frage, ob die USA auch bereit seien, in die gleiche Richtung wie China zu gehen. Zweitens sollten beide Seiten ihre Differenzen wirksam kontrollieren. Drittens müsse die für beide Seiten vorteilhafte Zusammenarbeit gefördert werden. Viertens müssten beide Staaten ihre Verantwortungen als Großmächte übernehmen. Nicht zuletzt sollten beide Länder gemeinsam den kulturellen Austausch fördern.

(Quelle: CRI Deutsch)

Über 70 chinesische Filme bei Sondervorstellung von BJIFF präsentiert

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Mehr als 70 chinesische Filme sind bei einer Sondervorstellung des Internationale Filmfestivals Beijing (BJIFF) präsentiert worden.

Durch die Filme sollen der Austausch und die Zusammenarbeit zwischen chinesischen und ausländischen Filmemachern weiter verstärkt sowie die Verbreitung und der Einfluss hochwertiger chinesischer Filme auf den ausländischen Märkten gefördert werden.

Filme wie „Pegasus 2“ und „Chang An“ wurden dabei durch Bilder und Texte sowie die Vorführung der vollständigen Filme beworben. Aussteller sowie Vertreter von Filmverleihern, Botschaften, Konsulaten und Filmverbänden aus mehr als zehn Ländern nahmen an der Veranstaltung teil.

(Quelle: CRI Deutsch)

Forum beim BJIFF erforscht internationalen Vertrieb chinesischer Filme

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Das Kino ist ein wichtiger Kanal für den kulturellen Austausch, das verschiedene Publikumsgruppen aus der ganzen Welt miteinander verbindet. Im Rahmen des Internationalen Filmfestivals Beijing (BJIFF) trafen sich kürzlich Branchenexperten aus ganz China und anderen Ländern, um über die globale Filmlandschaft zu diskutieren, kreative Erkenntnisse auszutauschen und Möglichkeiten der Zusammenarbeit zu erkunden.

Unter dem Motto „Von Filmen erleuchtet, als Einheit vereint“ wurde ein Forum organisiert, um den Austausch zwischen chinesischen und ausländischen Filmemachern zu fördern. Ein prominentes Podium beleuchtete die Erfahrungen und Aussichten im Zusammenhang mit dem internationalen Vertrieb chinesischer Filme.

Der weltweite Erfolg von Filmexporten wie „The Wandering Earth 2“, „Hidden Blade“ und „Lost in the Stars“ hat Chinas filmische Bandbreite unterstrichen, die über traditionelle Kampfkunstthemen hinausgeht und das Publikum über Grenzen hinweg mit Erzählungen fesselt.

Der in London ansässige Verleih Trinity CineAsia spielt eine entscheidende Rolle bei der Ausweitung der Reichweite von erfolgreichen chinesischen Filmen, wie „Creation of the Gods“ und „The Wandering Earth 2“. Mitbegründer Cedric Behrel erläuterte die Mission des Unternehmens, das chinesische Kino einem breiteren globalen Publikum zugänglich zu machen: „In erster Linie richten wir uns an das chinesischsprachige Publikum. Aber natürlich ist es auch unsere Aufgabe, chinesische Mainstream-Filme einem größeren Publikum zugänglich zu machen. Wir haben also viel zu tun, um für die Filme zu werben, zum Beispiel Pressevorführungen organisieren, die lokalen Medien einbeziehen und Blickwinkel finden, die das lokale Publikum anziehen können.“

Der Vorstoß in internationale Märkte bringt jedoch auch einige Herausforderungen mit sich. Stephanie Lee, Regional Content Managerin bei Westec Media, wies auf die Schwierigkeiten bei der Übersetzung und die kulturellen Nuancen hin, die den Zugang zu einem vielfältigen Publikum erschweren. „Die Herausforderung, mit der wir konfrontiert sind, ist der Verlust bei der Übersetzung. Da viele Zuschauer in Südostasien kein Mandarin verstehen, haben sie bei der Übersetzung ins Englische oder in lokale Sprachen möglicherweise Schwierigkeiten, die ursprüngliche Bedeutung zu erfassen und verpassen auch einige Witze.“

Trotz dieser Hindernisse entwickelt sich das chinesische Kino im Ausland weiter, vor allem durch die steigende Qualität und Vielfalt. Der Erwerb der Remake-Rechte für „Hi, Mom“ durch Sony Pictures unterstreicht diesen Trend und öffnet dem chinesischen Kino neue Wege im Ausland.

Das Forum im Rahmen des BJIFF diente als zentrale Plattform für Filmemacher aus China und dem Ausland, um einen substanziellen Dialog zu führen und potenzielle Zusammenarbeit zu kultivieren. Dieser kulturübergreifende Austausch verspricht eine Bereicherung der globalen Kinolandschaft und fördert eine tiefere Wertschätzung für unterschiedliche Erzähltraditionen.

(Quelle: CRI Deutsch)