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Guangdong Free Trade Zone at Ten: From Institutional Pioneer to Engine of Industrial Innovation

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April 25, 2025

Guangdong Free Trade Zone at Ten: From Institutional Pioneer to Engine of Industrial Innovation

This year marks the 10th anniversary of the establishment of the Guangdong Pilot Free Trade Zone. Amid significant shifts in the global trade landscape, the Zone has served as a critical experiment ground for China’s reform and opening-up efforts. It plays a pivotal role in helping the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area navigate the complexities of the international trade environment.

Spanning Guangzhou’s Nansha New Area, Shenzhen’s Qianhai Shekou Area, and Zhuhai’s Hengqin New Area, the Guangdong Pilot Free Trade Zone has, over the past decade, launched 772 institutional innovations. Of these, 237 have been replicated across the province, and 43 have been promoted nationwide—representing a quarter of all such initiatives in the country. The Zone has released 356 cases of system innovation, with 8 selected as national best practices, accounting for nearly one-tenth of the national total.

On April 21, the Opinions on Implementing the Strategy of Upgrading Free Trade Pilot Zones were released, emphasizing the importance of this strategy in advancing high-level opening-up and high-quality development. Earlier, the Ministry of Commerce held a special press conference announcing plans to strengthen tailored guidance for various Pilot Free Trade Zones. It also committed to expanding the reform agenda for zones in Guangdong, Tianjin, and Fujian, assigning new pilot reform tasks. Qualified zones will be supported in pursuing integrated innovation across key sectors such as biomedicine, advanced equipment manufacturing, and the marine economy.

“The Guangdong Pilot Free Trade Zone has evolved from a focus on institutional innovation to a new phase centered on industrial innovation,” said Mao Yanhua, dean of the Institute of Regional Openness and Cooperation at Sun Yat-sen University in Guangzhou, Guangdong province.

Reconstructing the global supply chain through regional linkage

In 2025, the global foreign trade landscape remains complex and volatile, with the international supply chain undergoing a new round of restructuring. Amid these shifts, a pressing question emerges: how can the security and stability of industrial and supply chains be strengthened?

The Guangdong Pilot Free Trade Zone offers a strategic answer—leveraging institutional innovation to accelerate the agglomeration of production factors and foster the development of a modern industrial system. According to the Department of Commerce of Guangdong Province, over the past decade, the Zone has maintained an average annual growth rate of over 24% in foreign trade imports and exports. Meanwhile, cumulative fixed asset investment has exceeded 1.3 trillion RMB, averaging more than 130 billion RMB annually.

This context underpins China’s Ministry of Commerce’s initiative to support qualified Pilot Free Trade Zones in pioneering integrated innovation across entire industry chains. Over the past ten years, the Guangdong Pilot Free Trade Zone has promoted the clustered growth of advanced manufacturing and modern service industries through market liberalization and targeted industrial policy support. Today, the three sub-zones—Nansha, Qianhai Shekou, and Hengqin—are exploring differentiated development paths to advance institutional innovation and build a modern industrial system with distinct characteristics.

For instance, the Nansha Area has established a robust industrial system anchored by clusters in heavy equipment, shipbuilding, and marine engineering. Advanced manufacturing now contributes over 70% of the value-added output of large-scale industries in the region. With a focus on emerging sectors such as intelligent connected vehicles, marine science and technology, and artificial intelligence, Nansha has nurtured leading enterprises like Pony.ai and CloudWalk.

The Qianhai Shekou Area is accelerating the development of 18 modern service industry clusters, including bulk commodities, financial leasing, financial services, tax services, and tech services. It is positioning itself as a pilot zone for international financial openness and a key hub for global trade in services.

Meanwhile, the Hengqin Area is serving as a new platform for diversifying Macao’s economy. It is advancing the pillar industries: high-tech R&D and advanced manufacturing, Macao-branded sectors such as traditional Chinese medicine, integrated development of culture, tourism, exhibitions, and trade, and the modern financial industry.

Clearly, institutional innovation in Nansha, Qianhai, and Hengqin has fostered the emergence of concentrated industry chains. These clusters not only reduce supply chain costs by attracting high-end resources but also facilitate knowledge sharing and collaborative innovation, accelerating breakthroughs in key technologies.

As the trade tensions initiated during the Trump administration continue to escalate, the Guangdong Pilot Free Trade Zone must now focus on attracting more high-end resources, fostering synergies among related industries, and enhancing industrial cluster effects. This, in turn, will boost the Greater Bay Area’s overall economic competitiveness and resilience.

“Over the past decade, we prioritized building institutional frameworks that support investment facilitation, financial liberalization, an optimized business environment, and transformed government functions. This laid the groundwork for the Zone to become a frontier for institutional innovation,” Mao said. “Now, the goal is to translate this institutional advantage into real economic momentum—setting a regional benchmark for high-quality development, advancing innovation-driven industries, and accelerating the formation of a modern industrial system.”

High-level opening up to the outside world “Golden Triangle”

According to Guangdong Branch of the General Administration of Customs, the Guangdong Pilot Free Trade Zone recorded 749.39 billion RMB in import and export in 2024, a year-on-year increase of 25.6%, accounting for 8.2% of Guangdong’s total foreign trade and contributing 1.8 percentage points to the province’s overall trade growth. As a gateway for high-level opening, the Zone’s institutional innovation and supportive policies have empowered enterprises to engage more deeply in the global division of labor.

Since its establishment ten years ago, the Guangdong Pilot Free Trade Zone has continuously advanced customs supervision reform. With Nansha and Shekou Ports as central hubs, the “Combined Port” and “One Port” models have significantly reduced logistics costs—by over 200 million RMB. The “Single Window” for international trade, launched ahead of the nation, has become a national benchmark. Nansha and Qianhai have been recognized as national demonstration zones for import trade innovation, with distribution and consolidation trade surpassing 200 billion RMB.

In the first quarter of 2024 alone, Nansha’s trade volume exceeded 63.4 billion RMB, a 25.6% year-on-year rise, underscoring its growing role as a high-standard global trade hub. Cross-border e-commerce has also surged, with Nansha’s annual trade rising from just 0.2 billion RMB in 2014 to 46 billion RMB in 2024—ranking first among national bonded areas.

Guangdong Pilot Free Trade Zone has also led financial innovation. It was the first to pilot the opening of the financial sector, hosting Hong Kong-funded fund firms, dual-license banks, and fully foreign-funded futures companies. Nansha launched a white-list system for offshore trade, creating an integrated offshore trade platform that achieved a balance-of-payments scale of $2.85 billion in 2024. With rising uncertainty in global trade, offshore and digital trade have become critical tools for lowering costs and boosting competitiveness, aligning with the broader Belt and Road strategy.

Qianhai Shekou is emerging as a demonstration base for financial sector opening and global service trade. The “30 Articles of Financial Support for Qianhai” have already yielded 14 national firsts—such as foreign exchange purchase without physical entry—and fostered six types of cross-border financial innovations, including RMB cross-border loans. These have established a unique brand of “six cross-border” financial reforms.

Hengqin has advanced modern finance by issuing offshore RMB bonds and enabling cross-border asset transfers to Macao’s leasing companies. Its multifunctional free trade EF account system has processed over 110 billion RMB in transfers, reinforcing financial connectivity with Macao.

Mao stressed that China’s Pilot Free Trade Zones must serve dual roles: aligning with international high-standard trade rules while exporting China’s institutional strengths. Sectors like new energy vehicles, high-speed rail, and cross-border e-commerce have accumulated substantial domestic experience, and now face the task of shaping global standards.

Source: 21st Century Business Herald, Xinhua, HKTDC Research, Macao News, CGTN

Why Myanmar Denies Ethnic Recognition to 4 Million Chinese

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April 24, 2025

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Why Myanmar Denies Ethnic Recognition to 4 Million Chinese

Southeast Asia hosts the world’s largest overseas Chinese population. Based on official data, Chinese communities constitute 22% of Malaysia’s population, 40% of Thailand’s (including those of mixed descent), and a striking 75% in Singapore.

In contrast, Myanmar—despite being the largest nation in mainland Southeast Asia—has never officially counted its Chinese population. Estimates suggest they make up around 8% of the population, or roughly 4 million people.

Yet, Myanmar does not recognize the Chinese as a distinct ethnic group. Only the Han Chinese of Yunnan origin in northern Myanmar are identified as the Kokang people. Other Chinese communities, primarily of Fujian and Guangdong descent in central and southern Myanmar, are absorbed into the broader Burmese people.

The Chinese diaspora in Southeast Asia largely originated from coastal Fujian and Guangdong. From the Song Dynasty onward, seafaring Chinese migrants settled in Lower Burma, thriving in trade and urban commerce. Meanwhile, Han Chinese from Yunnan migrated overland into Upper Burma, especially during the Ming-Qing transition in the 17th century, when Ming loyalists fled into the region and settled in Kokang.

By the 18th century, Kokang emerged as a Chinese enclave under loose Qing oversight, balancing tribute to Burma with cultural autonomy. Qing-Burmese conflicts further spurred migration. British colonization in the 19th century encouraged more Chinese migration, especially to Lower Burma, where Fujianese and Vietnamese Chinese dominated key industries and intermarried with locals.

In 1897, Britain annexed Kokang, integrating its Han population into British Burma, distinct from southern Chinese settlers. Early 20th-century relations were stable, with Chinese political representation under British rule. However, World War II disrupted this balance. The Japanese invasion and Chinese alignment with the British led to violent backlash and long-lasting distrust, signaling the start of Chinese marginalization in Burma.

After Burma’s independence in 1948, the Panglong Conference recognized ethnic minorities’ autonomy, including the Kokang Chinese—descendants of Yunnanese Han in Upper Burma. In contrast, southern Chinese communities (from Fujian and Guangdong) were denied ethnic status and classified as foreign residents, lacking citizenship rights. Fears of Chinese loyalty to China—heightened by Kuomintang incursions and China’s rising power—prompted the government to distinguish Kokang from other Chinese and grant them limited political recognition.

As Cold War tensions grew, Burmese nationalism evolved into Burmese chauvinism, marginalizing minorities. Only Kokang Chinese retained official status, while others faced institutional discrimination in business, education, and citizenship. Unlike Chinese communities in Thailand or Malaysia, Burmese Chinese endured aggressive cultural erasure. In 1962, the military coup led by General Ne Win escalated repression, and by 1963, Kokang’s tribal system was dismantled.

In 1968, Communist forces under Pheung Kya-shin took over Kokang, establishing de facto autonomy. While fragmented Chinese communities in Lower Burma assimilated under pressure, Kokang preserved identity through military resistance. Government efforts erased Chinese culture in the south—schools were nationalized, language banned, and assimilation enforced.

The 1974 constitution excluded Chinese from recognized ethnic groups. In contrast, other Southeast Asian Chinese communities slowly regained rights and recognition. After Cold War hostilities eased, Pheung Kya-shin broke from the Communist Party in 1989 and secured a ceasefire, allowing Kokang to maintain autonomy, funded by the drug trade.

Today, Kokang functions as an unofficial extension of China—using its currency, language, electricity, and curriculum. While most of Burma’s southern Chinese have assimilated, Kokang remains a rare example in Southeast Asia of a Chinese diaspora community that retained armed autonomy, cultural integrity, and regional influence despite state efforts at assimilation.

In the 21st century, Myanmar’s prolonged military rule and isolation have shaped two divergent paths for its Chinese diaspora. The Fujianese and Cantonese Chinese of Lower Burma, once economically dominant, have largely assimilated—losing language, culture, and legal recognition. Intermarriage, conversion to Buddhism, and the disappearance of Chinese schools led to their absorption into Burmese society, with only fading temples and ancestral halls marking their heritage.

In contrast, the Yunnanese Han in northern Myanmar—centered in Kokang—have preserved their identity through autonomy and close ties to China. Unlike earlier generations, recent migrants from Yunnan retained Chinese citizenship, distinguishing themselves as a separate overseas population. Kokang thrived on poppy farming, and later, gray industries like gambling and telecom fraud, benefiting from its legal ambiguity.

Attempts by the Myanmar military to “Myanmarize” Kokang have met resistance. In 2024, Peng Daxun, son of longtime leader Pheung Kya-shin, regained control and began cracking down on fraud networks, hinting at stabilization. Kokang remains deeply integrated with China, using its currency, media, and school curricula, standing as a rare example of a Chinese diaspora that has maintained cultural autonomy and de facto self-governance.

Source: myanmarnow, Reddit, irrawaddy

How TikTok’s Algorithm Balances Personalization, Governance, and User Trust

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April 23, 2025

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How TikTok’s Algorithm Balances Personalization, Governance, and User Trust

Today, recommendation algorithms are no longer confined to social platforms—they’re widely used across industries including fashion, food, housing, and transportation. Algorithms have become the new foundation of the modern Internet ecosystem. Their core value lies in enhancing the efficiency and accuracy of information delivery, reducing user costs, and uncovering as well as meeting potential user needs.

In this era of information overload, when used appropriately, recommendation algorithms serve as a powerful tool to solve the challenge of information distribution, enabling people to access relevant content more efficiently.

As one of China’s largest users of recommendation algorithms, TikTok is committed to algorithmic platform governance and breaking the so-called information cocoons. On April 15, the platform held a Security Trust Center Open Day in Beijing, where it publicly disclosed the principles behind its recommendation algorithms and explained the manual intervention process. This transparency reflects TikTok’s determination to match the right content with the right users.

In the age of short-form video, TikTok has emerged as one of the most popular platforms in the country. According to data from the China Internet Network Information Center (CNNIC), as of June 2024, China had 1.068 billion online video users, with Internet penetration reaching 97.1%. Today, nearly every Internet user is a consumer of digital content, while the number of content creators and uploaded content continues to grow at a rapid pace.

Recommendation systems have become the primary method of content distribution across most platforms. Short video platforms like TikTok saw a 62% year-over-year increase in active creators as of June 2024, highlighting the rapid growth of content creation on mainstream platforms. Among them, TikTok and WeChat Channels saw the fastest growth, with increases of 99% and 292% respectively.

TikTok describes its recommendation algorithm as a key application of AI and machine learning—essentially, a highly efficient information-filtering system. In practice, the platform uses a hybrid “human + machine” model for risk management. This means there is always manual operation involved in guiding and governing the algorithm, while a multi-objective system is used to proactively disrupt echo chambers and the spread of repetitive content.

Despite being a buzzword of our time, the algorithm remains mysterious to the public. Public perception is often limited to speculation, and online discourse is rife with concerns—from technological conspiracy theories to algorithmic addiction. These concerns, while sometimes exaggerated, reflect real issues and are worthy of thoughtful discussion. However, some extreme voices risk unfairly stigmatizing algorithms.

Currently, TikTok’s Security Trust Center website (95152.douyin.com) is in a trial phase and is actively soliciting feedback from users, creators, and the broader community. The goal of the Open Day event is to encourage the public to better understand the underlying logic, governance mechanisms, and policies behind TikTok’s algorithms—ultimately building a more equitable, transparent, and positive digital community.

According to Liu Chang, an algorithm engineer at TikTok, the platform’s recommendation system functions similarly to those used by leading content platforms both domestically and internationally. While the algorithm may not truly understand the content or its consumers, it connects the two through technical models, including stages such as recall, filtering, and sorting—centralized around learning and predicting user behavior.

In 2024, while many new media platforms experienced divergent growth trends in China, TikTok continued its upward momentum. From 2022 to 2024, TikTok’s monthly active user growth rate steadily increased: 6.88%, 7.27%, and 7.86%, respectively.

Currently, TikTok’s algorithm has evolved beyond basic content and user labeling. It now leverages neural networks to predict user behavior and estimate the potential value a user might gain from consuming a piece of content. Based on this, it ranks and recommends top-performing content.

Rather than chasing short-term metrics, TikTok prioritizes sustainable user engagement. Its algorithm considers a variety of behavioral signals—like completed views, comments, likes, content-sharing, follows, and long-term interest in specific creators—to evaluate and promote content that aligns with users’ long-term value.

To counter the problem of information cocoons, TikTok’s multi-objective modeling system promotes content diversity. It does this in two key ways:

Expanding depth: By recommending more varied content within a user’s interest areas and limiting overly repetitive content using strategies like diversity dispersion, multi-interest recall, and long-tail interest support.

Expanding breadth: By encouraging discovery of new interests through random recommendations, social graph-based suggestions, “not interested” feedback loops, and cross-linked search and recommendation systems. This approach enables the algorithm to continuously adapt to users’ evolving preferences.

Still, the platform acknowledges the limitations of machine learning. While algorithms can predict user behavior, they often lack a nuanced understanding of content semantics. This can lead to the accidental spread of harmful or inappropriate content. To address this, TikTok goes through a tiered risk assessment:

High-risk content is automatically blocked.
Flagged content enters manual review.
Low-risk content is given limited exposure and proceeds to the next stage. If a video is reported, attracts unusual comment activity, or experiences a traffic surge, an additional round of human-machine auditing is triggered. Content flagged at any point is immediately removed from circulation.

To manage risks that have broad social implications—such as fraud, online abuse, misinformation, AIGC misuse, or the protection of minors—TikTok has formed specialized governance teams. For example, in fighting misinformation, the platform recently launched “rumor cards” to curb the spread of false content.

Beyond its governance efforts, TikTok is also building a community based on clear values and standards. On its Security and Trust Center website, the platform outlines its vision for fostering a healthy content ecosystem. It defines quality content as that which offers users value, surprise, and emotional resonance. Content that meets these criteria may be tagged as “TikTok Selected,” a sub-brand designation that can grant creators access to exclusive traffic support.

Source: TikTok Newsroom, ByteDance, FDD, CGTN

China Achieves Breakthrough in Controlled Nuclear Fusion with ‘Artificial Sun’

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April 22, 2025

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China Achieves Breakthrough in Controlled Nuclear Fusion with ‘Artificial Sun’

On March 28, the China National Nuclear Corporation (CNNC) announced a major breakthrough in controllable nuclear fusion: the next-generation “artificial sun,” China Circulation III, achieved—for the first time—temperatures exceeding 100 million degrees Celsius for both atomic nuclei and electrons. This milestone marks a leap in comprehensive fusion parameters and a significant step forward in China’s advancement of nuclear fusion technology.

China Circulation III is a large-scale, independently developed fusion device that mimics the energy generation process of the sun, earning it the nickname “artificial sun.” It is currently the most advanced and largest nuclear fusion device in China by both design and scale.

Recent experiments revealed the reactor reached core temperatures of 117 million degrees Celsius for atomic nuclei and 160 million for electrons. Since electrons orbit within a much smaller atomic volume, temperature variations are expected. Still, surpassing the 100-million-degree mark in both areas is considered a critical achievement, indicating more efficient, stable, and sustained energy release—key conditions for practical fusion energy.

Zhong Wulü, Chief Designer of China Circulation III, emphasized that China’s fusion research has now entered the burning plasma experiment phase. Self-developed systems for heating, control, and diagnostics have been fully deployed, meeting world-class standards and setting multiple national records.

The breakthrough was preceded by international collaboration. On December 14, 2023, China’s Southwest Institute of Nuclear Physics signed an agreement with the International Thermonuclear Experimental Reactor (ITER) headquarters in Cadarache, France, officially opening China Circulation III to researchers worldwide. This move aims to foster global cooperation in pursuing fusion energy.

In August, the device successfully operated in high-confinement mode under a plasma current of 1 million amperes—another milestone that solidifies China’s position among global leaders in magnetic confinement fusion.

Experts describe nuclear fusion as a future energy source that is clean, abundant, and inherently safe. Entering the burning plasma phase marks the transition toward practical, sustained fusion energy. The next goal is to enhance the device’s capabilities to acquire essential data for continuous fusion reactions.

Over the years, the Southwest Institute of Physics has played a key role in ITER, overcoming engineering challenges and gaining experience in reactor construction, commissioning, and operation. This foundation allows China not only to absorb cutting-edge technologies but also to independently advance its own fusion initiatives. With China Circulation III now open to the global scientific community, it serves as both a collaborative hub and a catalyst for China’s innovation in nuclear fusion.

Source: CGTN, People’s Daily, Xinhua, Global Times

Google Moves Android Development In-House—Is This the End of Open Source Android?

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April 20, 2025

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Google Moves Android Development In-House—Is This the End of Open Source Android?

On March 27, Android Authority broke the news that Google will begin migrating all Android Open Source Project (AOSP) development to its internal branch. The change, set to begin next week, means that Android’s continuous integration/delivery (CI/CD) tools and Android Gerrit—the core platforms for community contribution—may also be shut down. In the future, only Google employees will be allowed to access or submit code to the internal AOSP branch.

This sparked immediate concern across the tech world, with some media even calling it a termination of Android open source. While that framing may sound alarmist, the underlying anxiety isn’t entirely misplaced.

Indeed, Google confirmed to Android Authority that it will continue to publish source code for future Android versions, including Android 16, and maintain updates for the Android Linux kernel. On the surface, Android remains open. But the structure of that openness is changing—and with it, the nature of community involvement.

This move essentially signals a redefinition of what “open source” means in practice. Android has always been open-source under Google’s stewardship, but community developers and OEMs were previously able to view and contribute to AOSP in near real time. That transparency fostered innovation and trust, especially among global partners building their platforms on Android.

“It’s not accurate to say Google is closing the source, but the power to decide what and when to release remains entirely in Google’s hands,” according to ZHU Qigang, Secretary-General, Shanghai Open Source Information Technology Association.

The move could significantly affect Android OEMs, especially in China. Companies like Xiaomi, OPPO, vivo, Honor, and Lenovo rely heavily on AOSP as the foundation for their operating systems. Although Google promises to continue releasing source code for stable versions, these OEMs will no longer be able to track changes in real time or contribute proactively to Android’s evolution.

This shift increases Google’s leverage over OEMs. To maintain compatibility with Google Mobile Services (GMS), manufacturers will need to follow Google’s development timeline and technical roadmap more closely. The centralization of control may lead to broader ripple effects across the ecosystem, potentially accelerating the development and adoption of alternative systems like OpenHarmony. While this could bring greater diversity to the global operating system landscape, it also risks further fragmenting the Android ecosystem.

This situation also raises deeper questions about the nature of corporate-led open-source projects. On paper, Android is open source. But in practice, Google has always controlled the project’s direction, governance, and final decisions. Contributions from the global community may be welcomed, but ultimate authority lies with a single company.

Zhu Qigang critiques this dynamic, noting that, “The so-called openness of Android has always been conditional. Google decides whether community contributions are accepted. It’s open source, but it’s not open governance.” In contrast, OpenHarmony—Huawei’s open-source OS—has been donated to a neutral foundation, a move that Zhu sees as a healthier model for genuine community governance.

To be fair, Google’s decision can also be viewed through a practical lens. Managing a project as complex and globally distributed as Android is no easy task. Streamlining development internally could improve efficiency, reduce leaks, and allow tighter control over security and release cycles.

But it also marks a clear shift in priorities. As Android matures and becomes further intertwined with Google’s commercial ecosystem, openness becomes more of a liability than a benefit. This mirrors what happened with other large-scale open-source projects, such as Red Hat’s decision to limit access to RHEL source code—a move that prompted backlash from the open-source community.

Plus, Google is currently under investigation by China’s State Administration for Market Regulation for alleged antitrust violations. Earlier this year, CCP’s official newspaper People’s Daily criticized Android as “fake open source, real monopoly,” accusing Google of using its dominance to suppress competition and innovation.

Google’s decision to move Android development in-house raises questions about the future of corporate open source, the role of community in large-scale tech ecosystems, and the delicate balance between control and collaboration. While Android is not yet “closed,” it is clearly becoming more guarded. Whether this evolution serves the broader ecosystem—or just Google’s bottom line—remains to be seen.

Source: arstechnica, androidauthority, techcrunch

India Should Not Be the ‘Asian Ukraine’ in America’s Great Power Game

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April 19, 2025

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India Should Not Be the ‘Asian Ukraine’ in America’s Great Power Game

Henry Kissinger once remarked, “It may be dangerous to be America’s enemy, but to be America’s friend is fatal.” This paradox remains relevant today, particularly as the U.S. deepens ties with India under the guise of strategic partnership.

While President Biden has labeled the U.S.-India relationship the most important of the century, Trump openly praised Prime Minister Modi. India must look past flattering rhetoric to confront the realities of U.S. foreign policy—driven not by loyalty, but by cold strategic interests: containing China, securing cheap labor, and accessing new markets.

Modi’s early invitation to the Trump White House symbolized a larger soft power play. American influence in India—through tech ties, immigration, English-language dominance, and media funding—has fostered a largely favorable public perception. Yet this influence can easily translate into control. India risks becoming an “Asian Ukraine,” a pawn discarded once it outlives its strategic usefulness.

Recent U.S. actions in South Asia reinforce this concern. The removal of Bangladesh’s Sheikh Hasina—following her refusal to host a U.S. base—mirrored Washington’s pattern of punishing non-alignment. In Pakistan, Imran Khan’s ouster and imprisonment after resisting Western pressure over Russia, and the suppression of pro-China factions in Sri Lanka, further illustrate how U.S. interests override democratic ideals.

Ultimately, the U.S. does not seek equal partners—it seeks compliance. India must remain alert to the cost of closeness, lest it trades strategic autonomy for superficial approval.

History shows that the United States has never been a consistent or trustworthy ally to India. While India’s foreign policy establishment is often preoccupied with countering Chinese influence in South Asia, it has shown a striking lack of concern over U.S. interference. The unexplained deaths of Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri and nuclear scientist Homi J. Bhabha in 1966—both suspected by some to involve the CIA—were quietly brushed aside, reflecting a long-standing reluctance to confront U.S. actions critically.

During the Cold War, the U.S. openly undermined India’s interests, penalizing its non-alignment and ties with the Soviet Union. It encouraged conflict with China but offered no real support when India was under pressure. In 1971, the U.S. even deployed warships to the Bay of Bengal in an attempt to deter Indian intervention in Bangladesh—an effort that failed only due to Soviet backing.

Even in the post-Cold War era, India’s growing closeness with the U.S. has yielded limited long-term benefits. While China and India were both targeted as emerging markets, China invested in technological self-sufficiency, while India became overly dependent on Western products and platforms. The results are stark: China dominates in AI patents, industrial technologies, and Fortune 500 companies; India lags far behind.

This disparity is rooted in India’s embrace of U.S.-style financial capitalism, which has prioritized integration with Western markets over indigenous capacity-building. India’s overreliance on the U.S. for capital, technology, pharmaceuticals, and media has stunted its strategic autonomy. The country’s foreign policy reflects this dependency—most visibly in its submission to U.S. sanctions against Iran. Similarly, India’s involvement in the QUAD, and refusal to join China’s Belt and Road Initiative, suggest alignment with Washington’s containment strategy rather than a truly independent vision.

Today, the U.S. reaps substantial benefits from India: cheap labor for tech and manufacturing, a vast consumer market, and a growing startup ecosystem hungry for Western capital. India has also become a geopolitical asset in Washington’s anti-China playbook. Yet, this asymmetric relationship is unlikely to remain stable. Rising anti-immigrant sentiment in the U.S. threatens visa programs critical to Indian workers. And as India’s economic ambition grows, Washington is unlikely to tolerate the rise of indigenous competitors to American tech giants.

The U.S. does not seek equal partnerships—it seeks strategic subordinates. Even Europe is beginning to recognize this reality. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz recently called for European independence from U.S. dominance, signaling a broader shift in global sentiment.

The decline of U.S. hegemony is unlikely to usher in a new empire, but rather a multipolar global order. Institutions like BRICS offer the Global South new frameworks for cooperation, trade, and political agency. As the U.S. dollar loses its dominance, so too will Washington’s ability to enforce its will through economic coercion.

The era of Western supremacy is drawing to a close. The future lies with Asia, Eurasia, and Africa. For India, the challenge is clear: to craft a foreign policy that breaks from dependency and embraces the opportunities of a truly multipolar world.

Source: South Asian Voices, NBC News, The Financial Express

Chinesischer Durchbruch bei Terahertz-Metamaterialien fördert 6G-Innovation

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April 17, 2025

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Chinesischer Durchbruch bei Terahertz-Metamaterialien fördert 6G-Innovation

Chinesische Wissenschaftler haben vor kurzem einen beispiellosen Durchbruch bei der Herstellungstechnologie für Terahertz-Metamaterialien erzielt, eine Entwicklung, die die Kostenstruktur wichtiger 6G-Komponenten revolutionieren und den Industrialisierungsprozess erheblich beschleunigen dürfte.

Terahertz-Wellen liegen im elektromagnetischen Spektrum zwischen Mikrowellen und Infrarotlicht im Frequenzbereich von 0,1 bis 10 THz. Diese Wellen haben einzigartige physikalische Eigenschaften und ein breites Anwendungspotenzial in verschiedenen Bereichen, insbesondere in der Sicherheitsdetektion. Ihre Fähigkeit, eine drahtlose Ultrahochgeschwindigkeitskommunikation mit einer theoretischen Bandbreite von Hunderten von Gbps (Gigabit pro Sekunde) und sogar Tbps (Terabit pro Sekunde) zu unterstützen, hat sie zu einer anerkannten Schlüsseltechnologie für die künftige 6G-Kommunikation gemacht.

Die Erzeugung von Terahertz-Wellen hat sich jedoch aufgrund des schwachen elektromagnetischen Verhaltens natürlicher Materialien in diesem Frequenzband als schwierig erwiesen. Um dieses Problem zu lösen, sind elektromagnetische Metamaterialien – künstlich hergestellte Materialien mit periodischen Resonanzeinheiten, die kleiner als die Wellenlänge sind – für den Bau von Terahertz-Funktionsgeräten wie Antennen und Filtern unverzichtbar geworden. Der Schlüssel zu ihrer Effizienz liegt in der rationalen Gestaltung der Resonanzeinheiten, einschließlich ihrer Form, Größe und räumlichen Anordnung, wodurch das elektromagnetische Verhalten erheblich verbessert und die Entwicklung der Terahertz-Technologie beschleunigt wird.

Die Herstellung dieser Metamaterialien basiert traditionell auf komplexen Mikro- und Nanofabrikationsmethoden wie Photolithographie, Elektronenstrahlbelichtung, Tiefenätzen von Silizium und Magnetron-Sputtern. Diese Verfahren erfüllen zwar die Präzisionsanforderungen, sind aber ineffizient, teuer und für die Massenproduktion ungeeignet. Darüber hinaus führt der Substratbedarf dieser Verfahren zu zusätzlichen dielektrischen Verlusten, die die Reaktion der Terahertz-Wellen schwächen und die Leistungsfähigkeit des Materials einschränken.

Um diesen wichtigen technischen Engpass zu überwinden, ist einem Forschungsteam unter der Leitung von Professor Zhong Shuncong von der Fuzhou Universität und Direktor des Fujian Provincial Key Laboratory of Terahertz Functional Devices and Intelligent Sensing kürzlich ein wichtiger technologischer Durchbruch gelungen. Dieser Durchbruch hat das Potenzial, die Landschaft der Kommunikations- und Sensorindustrie grundlegend zu verändern.

Im Mittelpunkt der Innovation steht der Einsatz von Femtosekundenlasern. Femtosekundenlaser, die ultrakurze Pulse von wenigen bis einigen hundert Femtosekunden Dauer aussenden, haben im Vergleich zu Dauerstrich- oder Langpulslasern sehr hohe Spitzenleistungen. Dank der Fortschritte in der Ultrakurzpulslasertechnologie hat sich das direkte Schreiben mit Femtosekundenlasern in der Mikro- und Nanostrukturbearbeitung aufgrund seiner Einfachheit, der geringen Anzahl erforderlicher Prozesse und der niedrigen Kosten weit verbreitet.

In ihrer jüngsten Veröffentlichung zeigen die Forscher, wie ein 10 Mikrometer dünner Metall-Aluminium-Film als perfektes Substrat für Metamaterialien verwendet werden kann. Die Flexibilität und Leitfähigkeit dieses Metallfilms machen ihn zu einem idealen Kandidaten für Anwendungen in flexiblen Geräten. Durch die präzise Kontrolle des Abtastweges und der Energieabgabe des Femtosekundenlasers auf der Oberfläche der Aluminiumfolie gelang es dem Team, ein flexibles Terahertz-Metamaterial herzustellen, ohne dass ein Substrat erforderlich war. Darüber hinaus entwarfen sie eine Hybridstruktur, die einen multimodalen Starkkopplungseffekt stimuliert und das Terahertz-Wellenverhalten des Metamaterials weiter verbessert.

Das direkte Schreiben mit Femtosekundenlasern umgeht herkömmliche komplexe Mikrobearbeitungsprozesse und bietet eine schnellere und kostengünstigere Möglichkeit zur Herstellung elektromagnetischer Metamaterialien. Dieser Durchbruch macht Masken überflüssig und reduziert Vorbereitungszeit und -kosten erheblich. Darüber hinaus minimiert die extrem kurze Pulsdauer des Lasers die Wärmeeinflusszone während der Bearbeitung und ermöglicht so eine „kalte Bearbeitung“ mit minimaler thermischer Schädigung des Materials.

Das Forschungsteam entwickelte ein komplettes Lichtleitsystem unter Verwendung eines Femtosekundenlasers mit einer zentralen Wellenlänge von 800 nm, einer Pulsbreite von 45 Femtosekunden und einer Wiederholfrequenz von 1 kHz. Die Energieabgabe des Lasers wurde präzise gesteuert, um einen optimalen Abtrag bei gleichzeitig hoher Bearbeitungsgenauigkeit zu gewährleisten. Um die Präzision des Laserfokus aufrechtzuerhalten und eine Kontamination durch Bearbeitungsrückstände zu vermeiden, verwendete das Team ein 50-faches Fokussierobjektiv zusammen mit einem Echtzeit-Erkennungssystem, das aus einer CCD-Kamera, einer koaxialen Lichtquelle und einem telezentrischen Objektiv besteht und eine präzise Positionierung und Überwachung ermöglicht.

Für die Probenbewegung verwendete das Team ein kommerziell erhältliches dreiachsiges lineares Verschiebetischsystem, das eine Positioniergenauigkeit im Nanometerbereich über einen Hub von 160 mm bietet. Mit einer Bewegungsauflösung von 1 bis 2 nm und einer Wiederholgenauigkeit der Positionierung von nur 25 bis 35 nm gewährleistete das System eine Bearbeitungsgenauigkeit im Mikrometerbereich.

Anschließend brachte das Team eine 10 Mikrometer dicke Metall-Aluminium-Folie auf einen skelettierten Probenkäfig auf und positionierte sie auf der Verschiebeplattform. Durch die Anpassung des Laserfokus und der Laserenergie auf etwa 150 Milliwatt und die sorgfältige Steuerung der Verschiebeplattform, die mit einer Geschwindigkeit von 200 Mikrometern pro Sekunde einem bestimmten Pfad folgte, gelang es ihnen, die entworfene Metamaterialstruktur auf die Aluminiumfolie zu ätzen und so ein substratfreies flexibles Metamaterial herzustellen.

Optisch-mikroskopische Untersuchungen der bearbeiteten Probe zeigten, dass die mit dem Laser gebrannten rechteckigen Löcher glatte Kanten, vollständige Strukturen und minimale Oberflächenablagerungen oder umgeschmolzene Schichten aufwiesen. Dies deutet darauf hin, dass der Femtosekundenlaser in der Lage ist, Metamaterialstrukturen mit hoher Präzision herzustellen. Im Vergleich zur konventionellen Lithografie, bei der oft mehrere Maskengrößen benötigt werden, vereinfachte diese Methode den Prozess und verkürzte den Präparationszyklus. Obwohl die Präzision des Femtosekunden-Laserschreibens geringer ist als die der konventionellen Mikro-Nano-Bearbeitung im Mikrometer- und Submikrometerbereich, erfüllt es die Genauigkeitsanforderungen für die Herstellung von Terahertz-Metamaterialien mit Eigenschaften im Bereich von zehn bis hundert Mikrometern voll und ganz.

Tests an präparierten Proben haben zudem gezeigt, dass Metamaterialien, die mit der Femtosekunden-Laserbearbeitung hergestellt wurden, im Gegensatz zur herkömmlichen siliziumbasierten Mikrobearbeitung keinen starren Siliziumträger benötigen. Diese Metamaterialien können als unabhängige Strukturen zerlegt, verformt und erweitert werden, wodurch sie für eine Vielzahl komplexer, variabler Oberflächenumgebungen geeignet sind. Diese Flexibilität ist ideal für reale Anwendungen in flexiblen Terahertz-Geräten.

Durch das direkte Schreiben mit dem Femtosekundenlaser und seine „kalten Bearbeitungseigenschaften“ ist es dem Forschungsteam gelungen, die Einschränkungen der traditionellen siliziumbasierten Mikrobearbeitung wie langsame Bildung, hohe Dickenbeschränkungen und Substrateffekte zu überwinden. Die daraus resultierende substratfreie Struktur, kombiniert mit der hohen Flexibilität, Korrosions- und Hitzebeständigkeit des Metallfilms, macht diese mit dem Femtosekundenlaser bearbeiteten metallischen Metamaterialien vielversprechend für Anwendungen in flexiblen Terahertz-Bauelementen. Darüber hinaus können durch die starken Kopplungseffekte zwischen mehreren Resonanzarten und das hybride Strukturdesign Herausforderungen wie niedrige Q-Werte in reinen Metallmetamaterialien angegangen werden, was tragbare Präparationslösungen und neue Designkonzepte für Terahertz-Geräte in den Bereichen Sensorik, Detektion und Modulation ermöglicht.

Dieser Durchbruch dürfte die Herstellungskosten von Schlüsselkomponenten für die künftige 6G-Kommunikation erheblich senken. Er birgt ein immenses Potenzial für die Förderung der praktischen Anwendung der Terahertz-Technologie in der Kommunikation und anderen Bereichen und könnte die Realisierung der 6G-Kommunikation erheblich vorantreiben.

Quelle: Xinhua, ECNS

Academics Unite Against Trump Administration’s Assault on U.S. Scientific Research

POLITIK

Tendenzblick

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April 1, 2025

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Academics Unite Against Trump Administration’s Assault on U.S. Scientific Research

On January 30, Trump signed an executive order aimed at combating anti-Semitism, specifically targeting U.S. universities. He also announced the formation of an inter-agency task force to enforce this order. This move gained momentum after a pro-Palestinian sit-in protest at Barnard College on February 26, which led to several arrests. Two days later, the Trump administration released a list of 10 schools: Harvard University, George Washington University, Johns Hopkins University, New York University, Northwestern University, the University of California, Los Angeles, the University of California, Berkeley, the University of Minnesota, Columbia University, and the University of Southern California, for review to determine whether corrective measures were necessary.

Throughout 2024, as tensions surrounding the Palestinian-Israeli conflict intensified, these universities became focal points for large-scale protests and clashes. Previously, Trump stated on social media that he would punish any institution that allowed “illegal” protests.

On March 7, the Trump administration abruptly withdrew $400 million in federal funding and government contracts from Columbia University. According to reports, this action followed the university’s inclusion on the U.S. Department of Justice’s review list for possible failure to protect the safety of Jewish students and faculty, prompting a task force to intervene.

On the same day, thousands of researchers and their supporters gathered at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., for the “Stand Up for Science” rally, organized by five graduate students and recently fired federal workers. The protest was aimed at condemning President Trump’s anti-science policies since his inauguration nearly seven weeks earlier.

The rally targeted policymakers, urging the administration to end censorship of scientific research, restore federal funding, reinstate federal employees, and preserve diversity and inclusion in science. Over a dozen speakers participated, including a Democratic senator, a former Republican congressman, and Dr. Francis Collins, former director of the National Institutes of Health (NIH).

A congressional spokesperson stressed the importance of understanding public opinion and encouraged constituents to express concerns to their legislators. A federal scientist at the rally, speaking anonymously, explained that budget cuts had hindered his ability to do his job and hoped the protest would raise awareness of the harm done to science.

Gretchen Goldman, president of the Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS), which had sent a letter signed by more than 50 scientific societies to Congress urging protection for federally funded science, was among the speakers. She warned that without funding for disease prevention and treatment research, public health would suffer.

Organizers of the “Stand Up for Science” event hoped to inspire scientists and the public to take a stand against the Trump administration’s attacks on science. The rally was a continuation of the 2017 March for Science protests during Trump’s first term. In addition to Washington, D.C., the event was planned to include 30 protests across the U.S. and more than 150 globally.

Meanwhile, the Trump administration had begun sending questionnaires to overseas researchers in Australia, the United Kingdom, the European Union, and Canada, asking if their U.S.-funded projects were related to topics like diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI), climate, and environmental justice.

The survey also inquired about potential financial ties with countries such as China, Russia, Cuba, or Iran. Projects that did not address these issues scored higher, while those with collaborations with certain countries scored lower. Some European universities advised their researchers not to respond, while Australian universities, more dependent on U.S. funding, encouraged participation.

This initiative has faced strong opposition from university consortia and research organizations globally, who argue that many of the questions go beyond traditional grant compliance and threaten the integrity of U.S.-led research programs. Administrators from institutions in Australia, Canada, the Netherlands, and beyond expressed concern that this was a sign of deteriorating academic freedom in the United States.

On March 31, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), the Department of Education, and the General Services Administration (GSA) announced a comprehensive review of U.S. federal contracts and grants to Harvard University and its affiliates, totaling over $255.6 million in contracts and more than $8.7 billion in multi year grants. This action is part of the Trump administration’s broader crackdown on anti-Semitism on college campuses, mirroring earlier scrutiny of Columbia University.

On the same day, over 1,900 academicians from the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine signed an open letter urging the Trump administration to cease its attacks on the scientific community. The letter included prominent scientists from China. The signatories argued that the administration’s cuts to research funding, the firing of thousands of scientists, the removal of public access to scientific data, and the ideological influence on research were undermining U.S. science. They issued a call to action, warning that the American research system was being dismantled and urging the public to support their efforts.

With over 8,000 members across the three U.S. academies, the signatories already represent nearly a quarter of the total membership.

The academics argue that the administration’s cuts to research funding are hindering the training of future scientists, while its investigation of more than 50 universities threatens the integrity of scientific research at higher education institutions. Moreover, the administration’s suppression of research it deems unacceptable undermines the independence of science, fostering a climate of fear within the U.S. research community. In response, these academics are calling on the Trump administration to cease its assault on the scientific community and urging the public to support this cause.

Source: Science News, ABC News

Shenzhen Becomes A Global Battleground for Robots, Drones, and Low-Altitude Flight Economy

East Asia

Tendenzblick

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March 28, 2025

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Shenzhen Becomes A Global Battleground for Robots, Drones, and Low-Altitude Flight Economy

On March 21, the Finance and Economics Committee of China Shenzhen Municipal Committee held an enlarged meeting. The meeting emphasized the need to accelerate the deployment of digital and intelligent infrastructure, upgrade traditional infrastructure through digital transformation, and take a leading position in artificial intelligence, robotics, autonomous vehicles, and low-altitude aviation. It also called for stronger support and encouragement for private investment in these sectors.

Shenzhen’s robotics industry has developed a comprehensive industrial chain covering industrial, service, specialized, and humanoid robots. Companies like EngineAI and UBTECH are leading the humanoid robotics market, while manufacturing giants such as BYD, Foxconn Industrial Internet, and Luxshare Precision Industry are driving the increasing adoption of industrial robots.

As a global electronics manufacturing hub, Shenzhen holds a distinct advantage, particularly in humanoid robotics. More than 90% of key enterprises have achieved high localization, with the industry and supply chain localization rates exceeding 60%. In Nanshan District, within a 10-kilometer radius, robots can be designed and mass-produced in a closed-loop system.

This March, Shenzhen launched four major policy documents, aiming to grow the city’s AI terminal industry to 1 trillion yuan within three years. The city plans to cultivate robotics enterprises valued at over 10 billion yuan and support more than 20 companies with annual revenues exceeding 1 billion yuan, further expanding the intelligent robotics cluster, which already includes over 1,200 related enterprises.

The first wave of transformation in the automobile industry—electrification—has already been validated. Now, the second wave—intelligentization—is on the horizon. As the competition intensifies, Shenzhen is determined to lead the charge in next-generation intelligent technologies.

Autonomous driving’s ultimate goal is full driverless mobility. Unlike electrification, which reshaped the automotive supply chain, driverless technology redefines transportation itself. It involves not just vehicles but also their interactions with people, roads, other vehicles, and cloud-based systems.

Shenzhen-based companies such as RoboSense, DEEPROUTE.AI, and MINIEYE have taken leading positions in this sector, excelling in perception equipment, autonomous driving algorithms, and real-world applications.

Last year, Shenzhen was among the first cities selected for the vehicle-road-cloud integration pilot program by China’s five national ministries and commissions. The city expanded its autonomous driving test roads by 1,162 kilometers, bringing the total to 2,000 kilometers. It also issued 435 new test permits, totaling 1,137.

While robots and drones are driving ground-level innovation, Shenzhen’s low-altitude economy is unlocking new opportunities in three-dimensional urban development.

From the spectacular 10,000-drone performances at Bijia Mountain to drone deliveries on Lotus Hill and AED drone deployments in country parks, drones are increasingly integrated into urban life in Shenzhen.

Shenzhen dominates the global drone market, with its consumer drones accounting for 70% and industrial drones 50% of total market share. The city is home to over 1,700 drone-related enterprises, including industry leaders DJI and Fyuav. In core technology, Shenzhen has integrated 5G, millimeter-wave, and satellite communications to establish a sub-120-meter integrated air and space safety network. This infrastructure supports precise positioning and data transmission for over 100,000 drones while advancing research in low-altitude vehicles, battery technology, and flight control systems.

At the end of last year, the Shenzhen Low Altitude Economy Standardization Technical Committee held its first plenary meeting. The Shenzhen Municipal Bureau of Transportation and the Shenzhen Municipal Administration of Market Supervision jointly released the Guidelines for the Construction of Shenzhen’s Low-Altitude Economy Standard System (V1.0), marking a significant step toward industry standardization, public safety, and industrial synergy.

Beyond individual industries, Shenzhen’s forward-looking strategies are reshaping the entire urban landscape. As robots enter households, autonomous driving transforms commuting, and drone networks expand across the skyline, the city’s innovation-driven approach is propelling new urban development dynamics.

Source: Xinhua, sznews, sina

Resurgence of Global Populism: the Conflict Between People and Elites

POLITIK

Tendenzblick

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March 27, 2025

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Resurgence of Global Populism: the Conflict Between People and Elites

In the past year, the wave of populism in Europe has resurfaced. The results of the European Parliament elections show that populism continues to grow, particularly in major nations like Germany, France, and the UK.

In the United States, Donald Trump was re-elected as president, attracting global attention. Populism is gaining momentum in the West, and with Trump back in power, the populist movement is strengthening on both sides of the Atlantic, with increasing influence on each other and globally.

Populism has become a prominent topic in global politics and area studies in recent years, sparking a wealth of academic research and contemporary analysis. Prior to the UK’s 2016 EU referendum, most scholars viewed populism as a transient phenomenon, believing that once the political system had adjusted, traditional political structures and institutions would return to normal. However, following the 2024 U.S. presidential election, the persistence of populism has become undeniable.

It must be acknowledged that populists are often able to portray themselves as more democratic than mainstream politicians. This is due to their skill in invoking the inherently ambiguous concept of “the people” in the Western political context. Populists boldly claim the power to define “the people,” asserting that they represent the “real” people, while labeling their opponents as the “enemies of the people.” For instance, Nigel Farage, then-leader of the UK Independence Party (UKIP), declared after the passage of the EU referendum that it was a victory for the real, ordinary, and decent people. This rhetoric implies that British citizens who voted against Brexit were not the people.

There is no single group that can be universally defined as people. The term can refer to blue-collar workers, small business owners, students burdened with loans, or the lower and middle classes. What defines populism is not these specific groups but the underlying conflict between “the people” and the “elite,” representing a series of demands that populists direct at the established political order.

It is crucial to note that this conflict exhibits significant variations across different political contexts. In other words, there is no consistent political agenda among populist ideas, parties, and their supporters. This diversity even challenges the traditional left-right political spectrum.

Populism is often viewed as a byproduct of mass democracy gone awry. However, if that were the case, populism would not be seen as a variant of political ideology and would pose far less danger. While populism often involves broad mass mobilization, it is, in fact, the antithesis of democracy. In a populist movement, mass mobilization does not enhance democratic participation or improve the quality of democratic deliberation. Instead, it frequently serves to elevate a charismatic political figure—today, figures like U.S. President Donald Trump, French National Rally Leader Marine Le Pen, British Reform Party chief Nigel Farage, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, German BSW leader Sarah Wagenknecht, Dutch Freedom Party head Geert Wilders, and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán—to the pinnacle of power. From there, these figures often abandon true democratic principles. History has shown that populism frequently leads to reckless policies, and the current state of the United States serves as a sobering reminder of this.

It is essential to understand that populism is not a product of democracy itself. Populist forces have existed long before democracy became the dominant political system in the Western world and have erupted in periodic waves throughout history. Many analysts, when examining the current wave of populism, treat it as a contemporary phenomenon, often confining the study of populism to the post-Cold War era or even the period following the 2008 global financial crisis. However, a more comprehensive review of the evolution of Western political and economic systems since the Industrial Revolution reveals that developments in productive forces, technological advances, shifts in the social order, and globalization have repeatedly given rise to radical populist movements. These movements, in turn, have driven significant changes in modern political, economic, and social systems.

As early as the 1880s and 1890s in the United States, the concentration of wealth in the hands of the top 1% began to increase sharply. By the turn of the 20th century, U.S. economic power was dominated by families such as the Carnegies, Vanderbilts, Morgans, and Rockefellers, who amassed vast fortunes through emerging mega-corporations unencumbered by antitrust laws or regulation. The stagnation of middle-class incomes and the growing concentration of wealth in the U.S. after the Cold War should therefore not be seen as unique phenomena.

The U.S. addressed this issue of wealth polarization in the first half of the 20th century through a complex mix of internal and external policy adjustments, involving power struggles as intricate as those seen in today’s global political landscape. Populism played a significant role in this process, such as prompting the passage of the Immigration Act of 1917, which introduced stricter screening of immigrants on national security grounds.

This historical precedent offers insight into the current trend of tightening immigration policies in many Western nations. Events that might seem unrelated in the broader timeline, such as the Swing Riots (19th-century British farmer protests against new economic and agricultural practices), the Ku Klux Klan (a white supremacy group in the U.S.), and McCarthyism (the widespread persecution of suspected communists and progressive voices in mid-20th-century America), are deeply intertwined with populist movements.

While the triggers vary, groups drawn to populism tend to suffer from economic insecurity, nostalgia for a past way of life, and an inability to adapt to technological advancements or external competition.

Populism is not an isolated issue of contemporary politics, nor is it an irresistible force. If citizens can effectively articulate their interests and translate them into government policy, large-scale populism is less likely to proliferate. Elites are often aware that certain segments of the population have suffered persistent economic erosion, but as beneficiaries of the existing political and economic system, they are frequently reluctant to push for substantial reforms. This is a crucial lesson for late-developing countries: they must avoid allowing deep social polarization to take root during periods of economic growth, as it could lead to political fragmentation or mutual vetoes.

Source: FSI, BBC, SBS